ความคิดเห็นที่ 12

คุณ huathana
ถ้าการบรรยายครั้งนี้เป็นหนังสือ ผมว่าที่เอาความคิดของนายกโทนี่ แบลร์มาขายซ้ำ ผมว่ามันเกินคำว่าอ้างอิงไป
หลายเรื่องผมว่าคำพูดของนายกทักษิณ พูดราวกับว่าคิดเองเสียด้วยซ้ำ
นายกทักษิณพูดว่า No one can set the clock back and withdraw from the globalized economy now. But what the globalized economy needs is globalized regulation which no one dares to talk about as that could be taken to mean challenging the American leadership of the world economy.
no one dares to talk about แล้วที่นายกโทนี่แบลร์พูดมาก่อนนี่ ไม่ใช่เรื่องเดียวกันหรือครับ แถมมีรายละเอียดชัดเจน
4. There will be many major challenges confronting the new U.S. President in less than two weeks time, as well as the domestic effect of this crisis. One such challenge we have all been dealing with this past 10 days is the Middle East. But somewhere near the top of the agenda I would put the U.S strategic relationship with China; and the same applies to us in Europe. Re-balancing this economic relationship is one of the hardest things of all. But it is utterly crucial. It needs to be worked on now. We must save more. China will have to spend more. We may think we are competing and at one level we are. At another our co-ordination and common understanding are of the essence.
This brings me to the longer-term framework we need in place. We need a better system of financial regulation, better co-ordinated. Ok we can all agree on that. I want to make a larger point. It arises out of, not just this crisis but my experience of 10 years of office at the highest level. We have mid 20th Century international institutions governing a 21st Century world. This is true of the global economy. The reform of the IMF and World Bank, of the financial regulatory system are long overdue.
But it is true across the board. Look at the G8. Reflect on its absurdity. In fact, take the G7, the so-called economic club of the world. Four European nations. No China. No India. No Brazil. No one from the Middle East. No one from Africa.
Take the global negotiations over global warming and a new accord post Kyoto. The UN negotiators are able, I would say, heroic, people. But be serious: 190 countries sitting round a table trying to hammer out a deal, with no global institution with the technical know-how, research capability and political weight to guide them? And this is in an area of inordinate technical complexity and political sensitivity.
Or take the awful events of the Congo. 6000 rebels on one side. 6000 militia thugs on the other. A UN force of 18,000 unable to keep people from being subject to mass rape, murder and pillage? Are we really that helpless? And don't think because the TV cameras have moved on, the suffering has.
And where have they moved on to? The Middle East. By luck, France has the Presidency of the Security Council. By his energy - to which I have referred before - the French President got the sides together.
But examine the absurdity. Here is a conflict whose supreme importance reaches across the world. It moves our politics, our economics, even our society and culture. With even the limited mandate I have, these past 18 months have been an extraordinary instruction. You know what is most frustrating? Not that it can't be solved; but that it so clearly could be. Is it really beyond our wit to grip this, to co-ordinate our international efforts and to see them bear fruit, so that Israel no longer has to fear for its existence and Palestinians have the justice of a viable state in which the two people can live side by side in a land less than half the size of France's largest region? If it matters that much, should our effort to resolve it not be commensurate with its importance so that innocent young children no longer live afraid or die needlessly?
What I am saying is that this economic crisis is vital in itself; but it holds a deeper, broader lesson for us. In today's world, no nation's governance, not even the most powerful, can work without a strong dimension of global governance.
Which brings me to my final point. One part of the debate over these next two days, will be about globalisation. Is it good or bad? There is a myth that globalisation is the result of a policy driven by Governments; and can be altered or even reversed by Governments. It isn't. It is driven by people. Globalisation is not just an economic fact. It is about the internet, its power to communicate, influence and shape a world whose frontiers are coming down. It's about mass travel, migration, modern media. It is not simply an economic fact; it is in part an attitude of mind. It is where young people choose to be.
But what is absolutely apparent from the economic crisis is that it requires values to function effectively. Note that I say effectively, not just fairly. Yes, it has always been clear that globalisation needs values to be equitable. What has been less clear but now is clear, is that it needs values to work. If we want to keep our world economy open, and not lapse into protectionism, we must strive to make it just. If businesses want to succeed, they must embrace their stakeholders with respect; they must develop the potential of their employees not just exploit them. If the financial system is to recover, it must re-gain confidence.
To re-gain confidence, there must be trust. To have trust, the system as a whole needs to be inbred with values other than those of short-term profit maximisation. It must be about more than mere speculation and the clever bet. It must be also about investing and building. The best business people I have met, have been first and foremost passionate about what they are creating, rather than what they are accumulating.
The new capitalism is therefore not about a return to the past. The change we seek should not be about replacing the free enterprise system or the market but about sustaining them in a way that is stable and enduring.
Look upon this crisis not as an occasion to regress in policy or attitude of mind; but as a chance to renew, as an opportunity to open a new chapter in humanity's progress to a better future for all.
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